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NPR’s Lulu Garcia-Navarro speaks with Cristina Muñiz de la Peña, a psychotherapist who works with families from Central and South America affected by the Trump administration’s immigration policies.
November 10, 2019Read More
NPR’s Lulu Garcia-Navarro speaks with reporter Carol Motsinger of The Greenville News about financial scams aimed at military veterans.
November 10, 2019Read More
Iraqi security forces are cracking down on protesters amid continued anti-government protests.
November 10, 2019Read More
(Bloomberg) — Sign up to our Brexit Bulletin, follow us @Brexit and subscribe to our podcast.Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party plans to spend 1.2 trillion pounds ($1.5 trillion) over five years, expenditure that would plunge the U.K. into an economic crisi…
November 10, 2019Read More
Request denied.House Intelligence Committee Chair Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) on Saturday rejected House Republicans’ request to bring Hunter Biden and the anonymous whistleblower, whose complaint about President Trump’s phone call in July with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky spurred the House impeachment inquiry, to the witness stand in the inquiry’s upcoming public hearings. Rep. Devin Nunes (D-Calif.), the top Republican on the House Intelligence Committee, had included Biden and the whistleblower in a letter proposing the GOP’s preferred witnesses sent Saturday to Schiff. In bringing Biden and the whistleblower to Capitol Hill, Nunes was aiming, he said, to treat Trump with more “fairness” during the investigation. But Schiff said the committee will neither “facilitate efforts” to “threaten, intimidate, and retaliate against the whistleblower,” nor serve as “a vehicle to undertake the sham investigations into the Bidens.”Schiff did say, however, that the committee is reviewing the other possible witnesses proposed by Nunes. Among those names are Kurt Volker, a former U.S. envoy to Ukraine, and Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs David Hale. Read more at Axios and Fox News.More stories from theweek.com Angela Merkel leads ceremony marking 30th anniversary the fall of the Berlin Wall 5 brutal cartoons about Trump’s environmental assault Beto O’Rourke reportedly considered Pete Buttigieg a ‘human weather vane’
November 10, 2019Read More
Two deeply personal films from Cameroonian Rosine Mbakam won critical acclaim in the U.S. by grappling with how families maintain traditions in a time of global migration and generational change.
November 10, 2019Read More
Excerpted from an article that originally appeared in Haaretz Magazine. Used with permission. Twenty prisoners live in one small room. They are handcuffed, their heads are shaved, every move is monitored by ceiling cameras. A bucket in the corner of the room is their toilet. The daily routine begins at 6 a.m. They are learning Chinese, memorizing propaganda songs, and confessing to invented sins. They range in age from teenagers to elderly. Their meals are meager: cloudy soup and a slice of bread.Torture — metal nails, fingernails pulled out, electric shocks — takes place in the “black room.” Punishment is a constant. The prisoners are forced to take pills and get injections. It’s for disease prevention, the staff tells them, but in reality they are the human subjects of medical experiments. Many of the inmates suffer from cognitive decline. Some of the men become sterile. Women are routinely raped.This is life in China’s re-education camps, as reported in rare testimony provided by Sayragul Sauytbay (pronounced Say-ra-gul Saut-bay, as in “bye”), a teacher who escaped from China and was granted asylum in Sweden. Few prisoners have succeeded in getting out of the camps and telling their story. Sauytbay’s testimony is even more extraordinary, because during her incarceration she was compelled to be a teacher in the camp. China wants to sell its camps to the world as places of educational programs and vocational retraining, but Sauytbay is one of the few people who can offer credible, firsthand testimony about what really goes on in the camps.I met with Sauytbay three times, once in a meeting arranged by a Swedish Uighur association and twice, after she agreed to tell her story to Haaretz, in personal interviews that took place in Stockholm and lasted several hours, all together. Sauytbay spoke only Kazakh, and so we communicated via a translator. During most of the time we spoke, she was composed, but at the height of her recounting of the horror, tears welled up in her eyes.She is 43, a Muslim of Kazakh descent, who grew up in Mongolkure County, near the Chinese-Kazakh border. Like hundreds of thousands of others, most of them Uighurs, a minority ethnic Turkic group, she fell victim to China’s suppression of every sign of an isolationist thrust in the northwestern province of Xinjiang. A large number of camps have been established in that region over the past two years, as part of the regime’s struggle against what it terms the Three Evils: terrorism, separatism, and extremism. According to Western estimates, between one million and two million of the province’s residents have been incarcerated in camps during Beijing’s campaign of oppression.As a young woman, Sauytbay completed medical studies and worked in a hospital. Subsequently, she turned to education and was employed in the service of the state, in charge of five preschools. Even though she was in a settled situation, she and her husband had planned for years to leave China with their two children and move to neighboring Kazakhstan. But the plan encountered delays, and in 2014 the authorities began collecting the passports of civil servants, Sauytbay’s among them. Two years later, just before passports from the entire population were confiscated, her husband was able to leave the country with the children. Sauytbay hoped to join them in Kazakhstan as soon as she received an exit visa, but one never arrived.”At the end of 2016, the police began arresting people at night, secretly,” Sauytbay related. “It was a socially and politically uncertain period. Cameras appeared in every public space; the security forces stepped up their presence. At one stage, DNA samples were taken from all members of minorities in the region and our telephone SIM cards were taken from us.””In January 2017, they started to take people who had relatives abroad,” Sauytbay says. “They came to my house at night, put a black sack on my head, and brought me to a place that looked like a jail. I was interrogated by police officers, who wanted to know where my husband and children were, and why they had gone to Kazakhstan. At the end of the interrogation I was ordered to tell my husband to come home, and I was forbidden to talk about the interrogation.”Sauytbay had heard that in similar cases people who returned to China had been arrested immediately and sent to a camp. With that in mind, she broke off contact with her husband and children after her release. She was repeatedly taken in for nocturnal interrogations and falsely accused of various offenses. “I had to be strong,” she says. “Every day when I woke up, I thanked God that I was still alive.”In November 2017, I was ordered to report to an address in the city’s suburbs, to leave a message at a phone number I had been given, and to wait for the police.” After Sauytbay arrived at the designated place and left the message, four armed men in uniform arrived, again covered her head, and bundled her into a vehicle. Following an hour’s journey, she arrived in an unfamiliar place that she soon learned was a “re-education” camp, which would become her prison in the months that followed. She was told she had been brought there in order to teach Chinese and was immediately made to sign a document that set forth her duties and the camp’s rules.”I was very much afraid to sign,” Sauytbay recalls. “It said there that if I did not fulfill my task, or if I did not obey the rules, I would get the death penalty. The document stated that it was forbidden to speak with the prisoners, forbidden to laugh, forbidden to cry, and forbidden to answer questions from anyone. I signed because I had no choice, and then I received a uniform and was taken to a tiny bedroom with a concrete bed and a thin, plastic mattress. There were five cameras on the ceiling — one in each corner and another one in the middle.”The other inmates, those who weren’t burdened with teaching duties, endured more stringent conditions. “There were almost 20 people in a room of 16 square meters [172 square feet],” she says. “There were cameras in their rooms too, and also in the corridor. Each room had a plastic bucket for a toilet. Every prisoner was given two minutes a day to use the toilet, and the bucket was emptied only once a day. The prisoners wore uniforms and their heads were shaved. Their hands and feet were shackled all day, except when they had to write. Even in sleep they were shackled, and they were required to sleep on their right side — anyone who turned over was punished.”Sauytbay had to teach the prisoners — who were Uighur or Kazakh speakers — Chinese and Communist Party propaganda songs. There were specified hours for learning propaganda songs and reciting slogans from posters: “I love China,” “Thank you to the Communist Party,” “I am Chinese,” and “I love Xi Jinping” — China’s president. Sauytbay estimates that there were about 2,500 inmates in the camp. The oldest person she met was a woman of 84; the youngest, a boy of 13. “There were schoolchildren and workers, businessmen and writers, nurses and doctors, artists and simple peasants who had never been to the city.”The camp’s commanders set aside a room for torture, Sauytbay relates, which the inmates dubbed the black room because it was forbidden to talk about it explicitly. “There were all kinds of tortures there. Some prisoners were hung on the wall and beaten with electrified truncheons. There were prisoners who were made to sit on a chair of nails. I saw people return from that room covered in blood. Some came back without fingernails.”On one occasion, Sauytbay herself was punished. “One night, about 70 new prisoners were brought to the camp,” she recalls. “One of them was an elderly Kazakh woman who hadn’t even had time to take off her shoes. She spotted me as being Kazakh and asked for my help. She begged me to get her out of there, and she embraced me. I did not reciprocate her embrace, but I was punished anyway. I was beaten and deprived of food for two days.”Sauytbay says she witnessed medical procedures being carried out on inmates with no justification. She thinks they were done as part of human experiments that were carried out in the camp systematically. “The inmates would be given pills or injections. They were told it was to prevent diseases, but the nurses told me secretly that the pills were dangerous and that I should not take them.””The pills had different kinds of effects. Some prisoners were cognitively weakened. Women stopped getting their period and men became sterile.” (That, at least, was a widely circulated rumor.)The fate of the women in the camp was particularly harsh, Sauytbay notes: “On an everyday basis the policemen took the pretty girls with them, and they didn’t come back to the rooms all night. The police had unlimited power. They could take whomever they wanted. There were also cases of gang rape. In one of the classes I taught, one of those victims entered half an hour after the start of the lesson. The police ordered her to sit down, but she just couldn’t do it, so they took her to the black room for punishment.”Tears stream down Sauytbay’s face when she tells the grimmest story from her time in the camp. “One day, the police told us they were going to check to see whether our re-education was succeeding, whether we were developing properly. They took 200 inmates outside, men and women, and told one of the women to confess her sins. She stood before us and declared that she had been a bad person, but now that she had learned Chinese she had become a better person. When she was done speaking, the policemen ordered her to disrobe and simply raped her one after the other, in front of everyone. While they were raping her, they checked to see how we were reacting. People who turned their head or closed their eyes, and those who looked angry or shocked, were taken away and we never saw them again. It was awful. I will never forget the feeling of helplessness, of not being able to help her. After that happened, it was hard for me to sleep at night.”Sayragul Sauytbay’s story took a surprising turn in March 2018, when with no prior announcement she was informed that she was being released. Again her head was covered with a black sack, again she was bundled into a vehicle, but this time she was taken home. At first the orders were clear: She was to resume her former position as director of five preschools in her home region of Aksu, and she was instructed not to say a word about what she had been through. On her third day back on the job, however, she was fired and again brought in for interrogation. She was accused of treason and of maintaining ties with people abroad. The punishment for people like her, she was told, was re-education, only this time she would be a regular inmate in a camp and remain there for a period of one to three years.”I was told that before being sent to the camp, I should return home so as to show my successor the ropes,” she says. “At this stage I hadn’t seen my children for 2½ years, and I missed them very much. Having already been in a camp, I knew I would die there, and I could not accept that.”Sauytbay decided that she was not going back to a camp. “I said to myself that if I was already fated to die, at least I was going to try to escape. It was worth my while to take the risk because of the chance that I would be able to see my children. There were police stationed outside my apartment, and I didn’t have a passport, but even so, I tried. I got out through a window and fled to the neighbors’ house. From there I took a taxi to the border with Kazakhstan, and I managed to sneak across. In Kazakhstan I found my family. My dream came true. I could not have received a greater gift.”But the saga did not end there: Immediately after her emotional reunion with her family, she was arrested by Kazakhstan’s secret service and incarcerated for nine months for having crossed the border illegally. Three times she submitted a request for asylum, and three times she was turned down; she faced the danger of being extradited to China. But after relatives contacted several media outlets, international organizations intervened, and in the end she was granted asylum in Sweden.”I will never forget the camp,” Sauytbay says. “I cannot forget the eyes of the prisoners, expecting me to do something for them. They are innocent. I have to tell their story, to tell about the darkness they are in, about their suffering.”More stories from theweek.com Angela Merkel leads ceremony marking 30th anniversary the fall of the Berlin Wall 5 brutal cartoons about Trump’s environmental assault Beto O’Rourke reportedly considered Pete Buttigieg a ‘human weather vane’
November 10, 2019Read More
When we talk about the many political problems of the present, we often revert to concepts bequeathed to us by political science: partisanship and polarization, norms and institutions, public opinion and populism.These terms are often illuminating. But there is another, older way of talking about politics that may reveal even more. I’m thinking of words like honor and dishonor, glory and humiliation — ideas meant to evoke the vertical dimension of political life in which individuals and parties compete to demonstrate their superiority to their rivals and opponents, hurl insults, take umbrage, and promise to exact vengeance for wounded pride. They are the virtues and vices of the battlefield, collected and analyzed in the works of political philosophers and historians of the pre-modern world.When we look out on the political landscape in the Trump era with these concepts in mind, we begin to see that we’re living through the revival of honor politics after more than a century of its eclipse. That should trouble liberals and conservatives alike, because honor politics can be risky, dangerous, volatile, violent. A world in which honor politics returns to the center of our public life will be a world of much greater instability and unpredictability than we’ve grown used to over much of the past century in the United States. It will be a world in which clashing factions compete for more than the right to pursue clashing policy agendas. They will also, and perhaps primarily, compete for the sheer glory of winning and the unrivaled joy of humiliating their opponents.The liberal political tradition was devised in part to displace the love of honor from the center of politics in the Western world. Just about everything Achilles does in the Iliad is motived by honor, which is one reason why the Platonic dialogues are filled with characters who implicitly treat it as the highest human good. It’s there, treated as a primary motive of human action, in the writings of Machiavelli as well as the plays of Shakespeare, who often portrayed men and women motivated by a reverence for honor. That’s because they knew their history. From Alexander the Great and the most ambitious of the Roman emperors to a long series of medieval kings and popes, the greatest (and often most vicious) rulers and conquerors in history had been motivated by a longing for immortal glory.The early modern wars of religion were fueled at least as much by the princely and aristocratic craving for honor and glory as they were by genuine piety. That’s why the first liberal theorists (men like Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Montesquieu, and Adam Smith) sought to dissipate the craving for honor by encouraging, as a substitute and alternative, commercial trade and capitalistic forms of exchange. Ordinary people would seek newly attainable wealth instead of the much more dangerous and elevated goods of honor and glory, while elites would be able to enjoy a modicum of regard and admiration from others in the less destructive private pursuit of great riches.We’d have captains of industry instead of captains of battalions, corporate raiders instead of rebels and revolutionaries. Politics would be transformed from a pursuit marked by violence and oppression into a realm of prosaic, reasonable, pragmatic debate over what policies to pursue and how to enact incremental change for the sake of the public good.The transformation took a while. Honor politics was still strong enough in the colonial era and early years of the republic that those who led the American Revolution pledged to one another their lives, fortunes, and sacred honor. Alexander Hamilton, one of the leading constitutional framers, was still so concerned with his honor that he died in a duel with a political rival (Aaron Burr).Before long, such vivid, life-risking displays of honor-seeking would become unthinkable for most. A few joined the military and sought honor in the more classical way. But many people behaved just as the first liberals expected them to: They traded the pursuit of military or political glory for the effort to earn and acquire great wealth and recognition in the private sphere of life. Others didn’t become rich but contented themselves with a life of what Hobbes called “commodious living.” They were lured by the promise of a life of peace and just enough prosperity to lull their longing for immortal glory to sleep.But now the Lunesta is wearing off. Various technologies are reawakening the taste for glory, giving everyone — from the already rich and famous reality TV star inhabiting the White House on down to run-of-the-mill activists and ordinary citizens — enormous public platforms on which to seek honor and recognition, in part by lashing out at rivals and opponents, seeking to humiliate them, multiple times a day. It can be intoxicating to fling insults at rivals and opponents on Twitter, winning the adulation of thousands in the process. Media outfits, breaking from the high-minded, dispassionate liberalism that dominated journalism in the middle decades of the 20th century, earn enormous profits by whipping millions of viewers into a frenzy of furious anger at perceived slights and condescension. Political campaigns and even whole social movements are motivated by the perception of disrespect.When people liken politics in the Trump era to pro-wrestling or gladiatorial contests, this is really what they mean: People are both spectators of and participants in competitions over honor — with wounded pride and the search to avenge it motivating each successive round of conflict. What I described as “gonzo politics” in a recent column, with Republican politicians play-acting indignation before television cameras in the defense of President Trump’s damaged reputation, is honor politics all the way down — or at least a mass-media simulacrum of it. Politicians take fake umbrage on behalf of the president, and the intended audience (Republican voters) gets to enjoy the vicarious thrill of defending the honor of their hero and smiting his mortal enemies with hyperbolic insults meant to humiliate them.So far, the return of honor politics has been mostly virtual — like a sporting match observed and enjoyed from the bleachers, with the glory savored by the fans secondhand. The danger is that, with Americans becoming addicted to and enamored with the warrior virtues, it could spill over into the real world and bring the full-blooded return of real honor-based politics in which factions and parties act on their anger, reacting to their aggrievement with actual violence.Then we might have occasion once again to appreciate the original liberal case against the politics of honor — and the liberal tradition’s sensible and wise prescriptions for displacing it from public life.More stories from theweek.com Angela Merkel leads ceremony marking 30th anniversary the fall of the Berlin Wall 5 brutal cartoons about Trump’s environmental assault Beto O’Rourke reportedly considered Pete Buttigieg a ‘human weather vane’
November 10, 2019Read More
The smartest insight and analysis, from all perspectives, rounded up from around the web:The Saudi conference nicknamed “Davos in the Desert” returned last week — and so did many of the Wall Street A-listers who boycotted it a year ago, said Mohamad Bazzi at The Guardian. Executives and political leaders shunned last year’s lavish investment summit in Riyadh, “which took place only weeks after” Saudi agents murdered the journalist Jamal Khashoggi. But their return to the Future Investment Initiative this year signals that “Saudi Arabia is open for business, and U.S. firms don’t want to miss out.” Executives from JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, Blackstone, and SoftBank, as well as Steve Mnuchin, the U.S. treasury secretary, and Jared Kushner, President Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser, were among the 300 speakers from 30 countries. The big draw was the planned initial public offering of a small piece of the world’s most profitable company, Saudi Aramco, “the state-owned oil monopoly” that finally got the green light to launch from Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.”The IPO is a cornerstone of Prince Mohammed’s Vision 2030 plan to make the Saudi economy ready for the post-oil era,” said Matthew Martin at Bloomberg, but the $2 trillion valuation the prince originally wanted for Aramco has already been knocked down to between $1.6 trillion and $1.8 trillion. Many investment bank analysts think it’s worth substantially less. Aramco has to “contend with the strengthening movement against climate change” and automakers’ accelerating shift away from the internal combustion engine. So far, MBS has had trouble delivering on his promise to “wean the kingdom off oil,” said Varsha Koduvayur at CNN. Human rights abuses “have marred Saudi Arabia’s image and heightened reputational risks for investors.” The issues go well beyond Khashoggi. “Foreign direct investment to Saudi Arabia cratered after the crown prince’s so-called anti-corruption roundup in 2017,” when he imprisoned many of the country’s most prominent business figures in the Ritz-Carlton in Riyadh and made them sign away big chunks of their wealth. All the “glitz and glamour” of this conference at the very same hotel won’t make investors forget that.The major tech firms did stay away, said Theodore Schleifer at Vox. But the snubs from the industry mainly show “just how sensitive tech leaders are to media crises.” Ultimately, a few CEOs not showing up for a conference matters less “than the fact that Silicon Valley companies like SAP and Amazon Web Services continue to expand in Saudi Arabia.” This would have been the perfect time for the world to hold the Saudis to account, said David Andelman at NBCNews. The kingdom desperately “needs deep pockets to fund Aramco’s future,” but no one was willing to question “the conduct — past or present — of the crown prince.” The U.S. will “keep looking the other way” as long as the kingdom maintains its 2017 pledge to pay $350 billion for American arms over 10 years. “Call it a quid pro quo, or simply business as usual.” Once again, the Saudis have been able to use their vast oil wealth to buy critical friendships, starting with Donald Trump’s.More stories from theweek.com Angela Merkel leads ceremony marking 30th anniversary the fall of the Berlin Wall 5 brutal cartoons about Trump’s environmental assault Beto O’Rourke reportedly considered Pete Buttigieg a ‘human weather vane’
November 10, 2019Read More
A prominent Saint Petersburg-based Napoleon expert has confessed to murdering his young lover and former student and dismembering her body in a grisly crime that sent shock waves across Russia. Oleg Sokolov, a 63-year-old history lecturer who received France’s Legion d’Honneur in 2003, was arrested Saturday on suspicion of murder after he was hauled out of the icy Moika River with a backpack containing a woman’s arms. Russian police block a bridge over the Moika River Credit: AFP “He has admitted his guilt,” Sokolov’s lawyer Alexander Pochuev told AFP, adding he regretted what he had done and was now cooperating. Sokolov was reportedly drunk and fell in as he tried to dispose of body parts. After disposing of the corpse he reportedly planned to commit suicide at the Peter and Paul Fortress, one of the former imperial capital’s most famous landmarks, dressed as Napoleon. Sokolov teaches history at Saint Petersburg State University, President Vladimir Putin’s alma mater, and was close to the Russian authorities. He told investigators that he shot and killed his lover during an argument and then sawed off her head, arms and legs, local media reported. Pochuev suggested Sokolov may have been under stress or emotionally disturbed. “He is an elderly person,” he said, adding he was being treated for hypothermia in a hospital. Police discovered the decapitated body of Anastasia Yeshchenko, 24, with whom Sokolov had co-authored a number of works, and a blood-stained saw at his home. The historian, who also taught at Sorbonne University, is the author of books on French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte. He acted as a historical consultant on several films and took part in historical re-enactments of Napoleonic wars. Both he and his lover studied French history and liked to wear period costumes, with Sokolov dressing up as Napoleon. Students described Sokolov as both a talented lecturer who could impersonate the French emperor and his generals and a “freak” who called his lover “Josephine” and liked to be addressed as “Sire”. “What happened is simply monstrous,” a Saint Petersburg State University lecturer told AFP. Speaking on condition of anonymity, he said Sokolov was dedicated to his work but was also emotionally unstable and abused alcohol. His former student, Fyodor Danilov, said Sokolov was regarded as one of the university’s best lecturers but an eccentric man who at times yelled in French. His relationship with Yeshchenko was an open secret, he said. “But everyone was fine with that, it was her own business,” he told AFP. Many expressed dismay, saying Sokolov had long been known for his hostile behaviour but officials had ignored complaints. Vasily Kunin, who studied with the victim, blamed the university management. “They did not pay attention to certain things,” he told AFP. “There was a certain policy of hushing things up.” Media reports said that Sokolov also beat up and threatened to kill another woman in 2008 but was never charged. On Twitter, screenwriter Andrew Ryvkin said Sokolov was one of his lecturers, describing the Saint Petersburg-based university as a place where “alcoholics” and “anti-Semites” felt at ease. Sokolov was a senior member of the Russian Military-Historical Society headed by Culture Minister Vladimir Medinsky. The organisation immediately sought to distance itself from the controversy. In 2003, Red Star, the official newspaper of the defence ministry, gushingly described Sokolov as a “serious historian” whose works were published in France. Sokolov was also a member of Lyon-based Institute of Social Science, Economics and Politics (ISSEP). On Saturday the society announced that he had been stripped of his position on its scientific committee. “We learn with horror about the atrocious crime of which Oleg Sokolov is allegedly guilty,” it said in a statement. ISSEP was founded by Marion Marechal, the niece of Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Rally party.
November 10, 2019Read More
1\. Photosynthesis ($30)Photosynthesis is “absolutely perfect” for luring in folks new to the world of modern board games. Players grow trees for timber, strategizing as the sun circles the board. “You can revel in competitive meanness as your shadows smother your opponent’s ill-laid shrubs,” writes William Herkewitz at Popular Mechanics. Buy it at Amazon.2\. Azul ($40)Inspired by Moorish art, Azul is another easy-to-learn, award-winning game in which up to four players win points by placing decorative tiles in various patterns. Beautiful and beautifully simple, it’s a new “instant classic” among gateway board games. Buy it at Amazon.3\. Wingspan ($60)The hottest game of the year was designed by an amateur bird-watcher, and “it’s a marvel.” Up to five players compete to attract and cultivate bird species in varied habitats. The playing cards feature hand-drawn scientifically accurate images of 170 birds. Buy it at Amazon.4\. Pandemic Legacy: Season 1 ($69)This twist on Pandemic’s cooperative strategy classic tasks two to four players with limiting the spread of four viruses. But in this heightened version, the rules change whenever the pathogens mutate — changes that carry over to subsequent games. Buy it at Amazon.5\. Terraforming Mars ($46)This challenging-yet-rewarding game puts up to five players in control of corporations that compete to turn the Red Planet green — and inhabitable. Though the gameboard is ugly, the gameplay generates “a tight, tense experience the whole way through,” writes Luke Plunkett at Kotaku. Buy it at Amazon.Editor’s note: Every week The Week’s editors survey product reviews and articles in websites, newspapers, and magazines, to find cool and useful new items we think you’ll like. We’re now making it easier to purchase these selections through affiliate partnerships with certain retailers. The Week may get a share of the revenue from these purchases.More stories from theweek.com Angela Merkel leads ceremony marking 30th anniversary the fall of the Berlin Wall 5 brutal cartoons about Trump’s environmental assault Beto O’Rourke reportedly considered Pete Buttigieg a ‘human weather vane’
November 10, 2019Read More
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